1、meaningless rex prefix used

meaningless rex prefix used發(fā)音

英：　　美：

meaningless rex prefix used中文意思翻譯

常見(jiàn)釋義：

使用了無(wú)意義的rex前綴

2、「牙」與「邪」的諧聲關(guān)系是什么？

W. H. Baxter:

The voiced uvular preceded by *m- evolved to MC ng-（注：Baxter 中古拼音疑母）, like *N.? (section 4.4.1.3). This is shown by xiéshēng contacts between MC ng- < *m.? and MC y-（注：Baxter 中古拼音以母） of uvular origin: for example, the character 牙 yá < MC ngae（注：疑母麻韻二等） ‘tooth’is phonetic in the early graph for 與 yǔ < yoX（注：以母語(yǔ)韻三等） ‘give; for; and’, which we reconstruct as *m-q(r)a?, with a uvular initial, because of its graphic (and probably etymological) connection to 舉 *C.q(r)a? > kjoX（注：見(jiàn)母語(yǔ)韻三等） > jǔ ‘lift, raise’. Examples of early character forms are given in (511) (from GG2.573, 3.230, 9.692, 6.349)（注：‘GG’ 指古文字詁林）.(511)（古文字詁林字形略，后同）牙 *m-??a > *??ra > ngae > yá ‘tooth’（注：‘’ 指這個(gè) ‘r’ 是中綴）與 *m-q(r)a? > yoX > yǔ ‘give; for; and’, pMǐn *?- （注：‘pMǐn’ 指 Baxter 所構擬的原始閩語(yǔ)）舉 *C-q(r)a? > k(r)a? > kjoX > jǔ ‘lift, raise’邪 *s?.?A > *s.?A > *zA > zjae > xié ‘a(chǎn)wry’（注：大寫(xiě)的 A 指 Baxter 不確定它與小寫(xiě)的 a 是否有區別）; also used in a place name:瑯邪 *[r]?a?-?(r)A > lang-yae > Lángyá (name of a mountain in Shāndōn) （注：Baxter 使用方括號表示「里面的東西權且這么寫(xiě)」）If the Old Chinese initial of 牙 yá < MC ngae ‘tooth’ had been a velar nasal *??-, yá would not have been an acceptable phonetic for 與 *m-q(r)a? > yoX > yǔ; thus we reconstruct 牙 *m-??a with the body-part *m- prefix. Better than a velar nasal, a uvular stop 牙 *m-??a also explains why 邪 *s?.?A > zjae > xié ‘a(chǎn)wry’ has initial z-（注：Baxter 中古拼音邪母） in Middle Chinese: as we will show (section 4.4.3.4), *s-?- evolves to MC s-（注：Baxter 中古拼音心母）; only before voiced obstruents does Old Chinese preinitial *s evolve to MC z- (section 4.4.3.3).Forms related to 牙 *m-??a > *??ra > ngae > yá ‘tooth’ occur with initial [?] in southeast Asian languages: for example, Proto-Tai *?a (Li 1977:204), VN ngà [?ɑ B2], and Bahnar ng?la, all meaning ‘tusk, ivory’ (Norman 1988:19). This could be taken to support a velar nasal initial in the Chinese word, but we suspect these are ivory trade words borrow from Chinese after the change of *m-??- to *??-, with semantic narrowing, rather than the other way around.

我：OC *r 系與 *l 系在音位上互補且偶爾有諧聲關(guān)系，而二者也都經(jīng)常與影母及中古軟腭組聲母諧聲。在缺乏大量數據支撐的情況下，我傾向于保守地將其視為廣義的 ‘kl-’型聲母。

牙 OC~MCC *???a → LCC *???a? → PCC *???a? → EMC *??a? → SMC /??a/ → LMC /???a/；

與 OC~MCC *la? → LCC *?ɑ? → PCC *????? → EMC *j??? → SMC /j???/ → LMC /i?/；

舉 OC~MCC *kla? → LCC *kɑ? → PCC *k???? → EMC *k??? → SMC /k???/ → LMC /k??/；

邪 OC~MCC *l?a → LCC *?a → PCC *zi?a → EMC *zi? → SMC /zi?/ → LMC /zi??/；

瑯邪 OC~CC *??a?la → LCC *??ɑ?.?a → PCC *??ɑ??.?i?a → EMC *??ɑ??.ji? → SMC /?ɑ??.ji?/ → LMC /?ɑ??.i??/。

本民科符號說(shuō)明：

OC 指諧聲時(shí)期，大致為西周，ECC 指以「國風(fēng)」為代表的春秋時(shí)期，MCC 指亂作一團的戰國時(shí)期，LCC 指秦到西漢（對音等材料表明中古「雲以邪」母在西漢表現得很有意思），PCC 指 ~100 AD（韻部開(kāi)始松動(dòng)），EMC 指 ~350 AD（元音整齊地高低四分、前后三分），SMC 指 ~550 AD 也就是切韻音系，LMC 指 ~800 AD 也就是韻圖音系。

*l? 指一個(gè)鼻化的 *l，說(shuō)實(shí)在的我也不確定它與 *l 是否真的有區別。另外這里的 *l 都有 [?] 的傾向，舌位較為后縮，近音成分較大，爆破感不強，與 С. А. Старостин 的 *l 諧聲系、W. H. Baxter的 *? 諧聲系實(shí)際上是相通的，只是寫(xiě)法不同而已。