1、creoles

creoles發(fā)音

英：[?kri?o?lz]　　美：[?kri???lz]

英：　　美：

creoles中文意思翻譯

常用釋義：克里奧耳人

n.克里奧耳人；克里奧耳語(yǔ)（Creole的復數）

creoles雙語(yǔ)使用場(chǎng)景

1、Examples of English- based creoles are Jamaican Creole , Hawaiian Creole and Krio in Sierra Leone, West Africa .───英語(yǔ)為基礎的克里奧語(yǔ)的例子有牙買(mǎi)加克里奧語(yǔ)、夏威夷克里奧語(yǔ)和西非塞拉利昂克里奧語(yǔ)。

2、And languages that we know now as creoles, the word refers back to their history.───而這些叫做克利奧爾語(yǔ)的語(yǔ)言，再次說(shuō)明了它們的歷史。

3、Louisiana has a heritage of many cultures, nationalities and ethnic groups, including Cajuns and Creoles.───路易斯安那州擁有多種文化、民族及種族傳統，包括卡津人及克里奧爾人。

4、Most of the Creoles in Kate Chopin's stories are comparatively wealthy, usually landowners or merchants.───大部分的克里奧爾在凱特肖邦的故事是比較富裕的，通常是地主或商人。

5、Linguistic sketches. Morphology and syntax of West-Indian (English - lexicon based) Creoles.───語(yǔ)言的概略。西印度克理奧爾語(yǔ)的構詞法和語(yǔ)法（英語(yǔ)詞匯為主）

6、Louisiana has a heritage of many cultures , nationalities and ethnic groups , including cajuns and creoles.───路易斯安那州擁有多種文化、民族及種族常規，包括卡津人及克里奧爾人。

7、What can Creole linguistics and attitudes about Creoles teach us about identity formation outside the Caribbean?───奧爾語(yǔ)的克理·奧爾語(yǔ)言學(xué)和看法能教導我們什么關(guān)于加勒比海之外的身分認同形成？

8、Did Creoles develop in radically different ways from how non- Creoles have evolved?───克理奧爾語(yǔ)言以和非克理奧爾語(yǔ)言完全不同的演化方式發(fā)展而來(lái)嗎？

9、What can Creole linguistics and attitudes about Creoles teach us about Caribbean identities?───克理奧爾語(yǔ)的克理奧爾語(yǔ)言學(xué)和看法能教導我們什麼關(guān)于加勒比海身分認同？

creoles相似詞語(yǔ)短語(yǔ)

1、creoles define───克里奧爾語(yǔ)定義

2、creoles in spain───西班牙克里奧爾語(yǔ)

3、creoles in la───洛杉磯克里奧爾人

4、creoles definition───克里奧爾語(yǔ)定義

5、creoles and───克里奧爾語(yǔ)和

6、creoles new orleans───克里奧爾人新奧爾良

2、黑人英語(yǔ)和白人英語(yǔ)的用語(yǔ)區別 要英文的大量例子

African American Vernacular English (AAVE), also called African American English, Black English, Black Vernacular, Black English Vernacular (BEV), or Black Vernacular English (BVE), is a type variety (dialect, ethnolect and sociolect) of the American English language. It is known colloquially as Ebonics (a portmanteau of "ebony" and "phonics"). With pronunciation that in some respects is common to Southern American English, the variety is spoken by many African Americans in the United States and even by some non-African Americans who have grown up in predominantly black communities. AAVE shares many characteristics with various Creole English dialects spoken by black people in much of the world. AAVE also has pronunciation, grammatical structures, and vocabulary in common with various West African languages. Speakers are often bidialectal and, like any form of language, age status, topic, and setting influence the use of AAVE. For example, research has found that AAVE is used more often when discussing abstract concepts, such as feelings, and when speaking to members of one's own peer group.

Grammatical features語(yǔ)法上的特征

The most distinguishing feature of AAVE is the use of forms of be to mark aspect in verb phrases. The use or lack of a form of be can indicate whether the performance of the verb is of a habitual nature. In SAE, this can be expressed only using adverbs such as usually. It is disputed whether the use of the verb "to be" to indicate a habitual status or action in AAVE has its roots in various West African languages.

黑人英語(yǔ)---白人英語(yǔ)

He workin'. Simple progressive He is working [right now].

He be workin'. Habitual/continuative aspect He works frequently or habitually. Better illustrated with "He be workin' Tuesdays all month."

He be steady workin'. Intensified continuative He is working steadily.

He been workin'. Perfect progressive He has been working.

He been had that job. Remote phase (see below) He has had that job for a long time and still has it.

He done worked. Emphasized perfective He has worked. Syntactically, "He worked" is valid, but "done" is used to emphasize the completed nature of the action.

He finna go to work. Immediate future He's about to go to work. Finna is a contraction of "fixing to"; though is also believed to show residual influence of late 16th century archaism "would fain (to)", that persisted until later in some rural dialects spoken in the Carolinas (near the Gullah region). Note: "fittin' to" is commonly thought to be another form of the original "fixin' (fixing) to".

I was walkin' home, and I had worked all day. Preterite narration. "Had" is used to begin a preterite narration. Usually it occurs in the first clause of the narration, and nowhere else.

Phonological features語(yǔ)音上的特征

Reduction of certain diphthong forms to monophthongs, in particular, [aɪ] to [a] and [ɔɪ] to [oː]. For example, "boy" pronounced as [boː].

Pronunciation of the dental fricatives voiceless dental fricative [θ] (as in SE thing) and voiced dental fricative [ð] (as in SE then) changes depending on position in a word. Word-initially, they become alveolar stops [t] and [d] and elsewhere they become labiodental fricatives [f] and [v]. Examples: then [ðɛn] is pronounced den [dɛn], smooth [smuːð] is pronounced smoov [smuːv], thin [θɪn] is pronounced tin [tɪn], and tooth [tuːθ] is pronounced toof [tuːf]. This contrasts with West African-based English creoles and pidgins where [d] instead of the SE [ð] occurs regardless of placement, e.g., "brudda" for "brother." The rule for AAVE can be expressed in standard phonological rule notation:

AAVE is non-rhotic, so the alveolar approximant [ɹ] is usually dropped if not followed by a vowel. However, intervocalic [ɹ] may also be dropped e.g. "story" realized as "sto'y" i.e. [stɔi]. A number of rhotic AAVE speakers do exist, however.

Realization of final ng [ŋ], the velar nasal, as the alveolar nasal [n] in function morphemes and content morphemes with two syllables like -ing, e.g. "tripping" as "trippin". This change does not occur in one-syllable content morphemes, that is sing is sing [sɪŋ] and not sin [sɪn], but singing is singin [sɪŋɪn] wedding can be weddin [wɛdɪn], morning is often mornin [mɔɹnɪn], something is somefin [sʌmfɪn], nothing is nufin [nʌfɪn]. Realization of /ŋ/ as [n] is a feature of many English dialects.

More generally, reduction of vocally homogeneous final consonant clusters. That is, test becomes tes (they are both voiceless), hand becomes han (they are both voiced), but pant is unchanged, as it contains both a voiced and a voiceless consonant in the cluster (Rickford, 1997).

Pronunciation of /ɛ/ and /ɪ/ both as /ɪ/ before nasal consonants, making pen and pin homonyms.

Pronunciation of /ɪ/ and /iː/ both as /ɪ/ before 'l', making feel and fill homonyms.

Dropping of /t/ at the end of contractions, e.g., the pronunciation of don't and ain't as /doʊn/ and /eɪn/.

Dropping of word initial /d/, /b/, and /g/ in tense-aspect markers, e.g., the pronunciation of don't like own.

Lowering of /ɪ/ to /ɛ/ or /æ/ before /ŋ/ causing pronunciations such as theng/thang for thing, thenk/thank for think, reng/rang for ring, etc.

Use of apparently metathesised forms like "aks" for "ask" or "graps" for "grasp", though both examples also existed in Anglo-Saxon and more recent varieties of English, so may simply be survivals of non-standard forms.

Negation否定句

In addition, negatives are formed differently from standard American English:

Use of ain't as a general negative indicator. It is used in place of "am not", "isn't", and "aren't" or even "didn't".

Negation agreement, as in I didn't go nowhere, such that if the sentence is negative, all negatable forms are negated. This is usually stigmatized in Standard English, where a double negative is considered a positive (although this wasn't always so; see double negative).

In a negative construction, an indefinite pronoun such as nobody or nothing can be inverted with the negative verb particle for emphasis (eg. Don't nobody know the answer, Ain't nothin' goin' on.)