1、manacles

manacles發(fā)音

英：[?m?n?klz]　　美：[?m?n?k(?)lz]

英：　　美：

manacles中文意思翻譯

常用釋義：鐐銬

v.束縛（manacle的三單形式）；給…帶上手銬

n.鐐銬；手銬（manacle的復數）

manacles雙語(yǔ)使用場(chǎng)景

1、A third time he freed himself of his manacles.───他第三次掙脫了手銬。

2、the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.───黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。

3、with a spirit straining toward true self-esteem, the Negro must throw off the manacles of self-abnegation. . .───黑人必須一種竭盡全力自尊自重的精神，大膽拋棄自我克制的枷鎖。

4、confine or restrain with or as if with manacles or handcuffs.───用腳鐐或手銬禁閉或限制起來(lái)。

5、Germany's leaders will handle all this wearing fiscal manacles.───德國領(lǐng)導人將手戴枷鎖應對這一切。

6、They're manacles that confine the vulnerable and tender flesh of the body.───它們是束縛脆弱柔軟的血肉之軀的鐐銬。

7、One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still vastly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.───一百年后的今天，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。

8、Chains (with manacles - made by the prisoners in the camp forge - for wrists and ankles) are let into the walls.───鎖鏈（配有鐐銬——囚犯在營(yíng)地鍛造車(chē)間打造的——手銬和腳鐐）嵌入墻壁。

manacles相似詞語(yǔ)短語(yǔ)

1、manacle───n.束縛；手銬；vt.束縛；給…上手銬

2、manatees───n.海牛（manatee的復數形式）

3、barnacles───n.[無(wú)脊椎]藤壺（barnacle的復數）；刑具

4、immanacles───以馬內克

5、unmanacles───非珍珠層

6、manages───v.管理；控制；負責；設法對付（manage的三單形式）；n.管理（manage的復數，等于managements）

7、mascles───n.中空菱形紋

8、manacled───v.給……戴上手銬（manacle的過(guò)去式和過(guò)去分詞）

9、cenacles───n.餐室；志同道合的一群人；聚會(huì )室

2、美國總統林肯的 葛體斯堡 演講辭，民權領(lǐng)袖馬丁-路德金的《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》

蓋茨堡演講詞

The Gettysburg Address

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth."

Abraham Lincoln

八十七年以前，我們的祖先在這大陸上建立了一個(gè)新的國家，它孕育于自由，并且獻身給一種理念，即所有人都是生來(lái)平等的。

當前，我們正在從事一次偉大的內戰，我們在考驗，究竟這個(gè)國家，或任何一個(gè)有這種主張和這種信仰的國家，是否能長(cháng)久存在。我們在那次戰爭的一個(gè)偉大的戰場(chǎng)上集合。我們來(lái)到這里，奉獻那個(gè)戰場(chǎng)上的一部分土地，作為在此地為那個(gè)國家的生存而犧牲了自己生命的人永久眠息之所。我們這樣做，是十分合情合理的。

可是，就更深一層意義而言，我們是無(wú)從奉獻這片土地的－－ 無(wú)從使它成為圣地－－也不可能把它變?yōu)槿藗兙把鲋?。那些在這里戰斗的勇士，活著(zhù)的和死去的，已使這塊土地神圣化了，遠非我們的菲薄能力所能左右。世人會(huì )不大注意，更不會(huì )長(cháng)久記得我們在此地所說(shuō)的話(huà)，然而他們將永遠忘不了這些人在這里所做的事。相反，我們活著(zhù)的人應該獻身于那些曾在此作戰的人們所英勇推動(dòng)而尚未完成的工作。我們應該在此獻身于我們面前所留存的偉大工作－－由于他們的光榮犧牲，我們要更堅定地致力于他們曾作最后全部貢獻的那個(gè)事業(yè)－－我們在此立志誓愿，不能讓他們白白死去－－要使這個(gè)國家在上帝庇佑之下，得到新生的自由－－要使那民有、民治、民享的政府將永世長(cháng)存。

馬丁-路德金的《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》

I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想

作者：小馬丁·路德·金

今天，我高興地同大家一起，參加這次將成為我國歷史上為了爭取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會(huì )。

100年前，一位偉大的美國人——今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下——簽署了《解放宣言》。這項重要法令的頒布，對于千百萬(wàn)灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來(lái)希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結束漫漫長(cháng)夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。

然而，100年后，黑人依然沒(méi)有獲得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚于種族隔離和種族歧視的枷鎖之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物質(zhì)繁榮翰海的貧困孤島上。100年后，黑人依然在美國社會(huì )中間向隅而泣，依然感到自己在國土家園中流離漂泊。所以，我們今天來(lái)到這里，要把這駭人聽(tīng)聞的情況公諸于眾。

從某種意義上說(shuō)，我們來(lái)到國家的首都是為了兌現一張支票。我們共和國的締造者在擬寫(xiě)憲法和獨立宣言的輝煌篇章時(shí)，就簽署了一張每一個(gè)美國人都能繼承的期票。這張期票向所有人承諾——不論白人還是黑人——都享有不可讓渡的生存權、自由權和追求幸福權。

然而，今天美國顯然對她的有色公民拖欠著(zhù)這張期票。美國沒(méi)有承兌這筆神圣的債務(wù)，而是開(kāi)始給黑人一張空頭支票——一張蓋著(zhù)“資金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行會(huì )破產(chǎn)。我們決不相信這個(gè)國家巨大的機會(huì )寶庫會(huì )資金不足。

因此，我們來(lái)兌現這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。

我們來(lái)到這塊圣地還為了提醒美國：現在正是萬(wàn)分緊急的時(shí)刻?，F在不是從容不迫悠然行事或服用漸進(jìn)主義鎮靜劑的時(shí)候?，F在是實(shí)現民主諾言的時(shí)候?，F在是走出幽暗荒涼的種族隔離深谷，踏上種族平等的陽(yáng)關(guān)大道的時(shí)候?，F在是使我們國家走出種族不平等的流沙，踏上充滿(mǎn)手足之情的磐石的時(shí)候?，F在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的時(shí)候。

忽視這一時(shí)刻的緊迫性，對于國家將會(huì )是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到來(lái)，黑人順情合理哀怨的酷暑就不會(huì )過(guò)去。1963年不是一個(gè)結束，而是一個(gè)開(kāi)端。

如果國家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出氣就會(huì )心滿(mǎn)意足的人將大失所望。在黑人得到公民權之前，美國既不會(huì )安寧，也不會(huì )平靜。反抗的旋風(fēng)將繼續震撼我們國家的基石，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來(lái)臨。

但是，對于站在通向正義之宮艱險門(mén)檻上的人們，有一些話(huà)我必須要說(shuō)。在我們爭取合法地位的過(guò)程中，切不要錯誤行事導致犯罪。我們切不要吞飲仇恨辛酸的苦酒，來(lái)解除對于自由的飲渴。

我們應該永遠得體地、紀律嚴明地進(jìn)行斗爭。我們不能容許我們富有創(chuàng )造性的抗議淪為暴力行動(dòng)。我們應該不斷升華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。

席卷黑人社會(huì )的新的奇跡般的戰斗精神，不應導致我們對所有白人的不信任——因為許多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認識到：他們的命運同我們的命運緊密相連，他們的自由同我們的自由休戚相關(guān)。他們今天來(lái)到這里參加集會(huì )就是明證。

我們不能單獨行動(dòng)。當我們行動(dòng)時(shí)，我們必須保證勇往直前。我們不能后退。有人問(wèn)熱心民權運動(dòng)的人：“你們什么時(shí)候會(huì )感到滿(mǎn)意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的犧牲品，我們就決不會(huì )滿(mǎn)意。只要我們在旅途勞頓后，卻被公路旁汽車(chē)游客旅社和城市旅館拒之門(mén)外，我們就決不會(huì )滿(mǎn)意。只要黑人的基本活動(dòng)范圍只限于從狹小的黑人居住區到較大的黑人居住區，我們就決不會(huì )滿(mǎn)意。只要我們的孩子被“僅供白人”的牌子剝奪個(gè)性，損毀尊嚴，我們就決不會(huì )滿(mǎn)意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能參加選舉，紐約州的黑人認為他們與選舉毫不相干，我們就決不會(huì )滿(mǎn)意。不，不，我們不會(huì )滿(mǎn)意，直至公正似水奔流，正義如泉噴涌。

我并非沒(méi)有注意到你們有些人歷盡艱難困苦來(lái)到這里。你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。有些人來(lái)自因追求自由而遭受迫害風(fēng)暴襲擊和警察暴虐狂飆摧殘的地區。你們飽經(jīng)風(fēng)霜，歷盡苦難。繼續努力吧，要相信：無(wú)辜受苦終得拯救。

回到密西西比去吧；回到亞拉巴馬去吧；回到南卡羅來(lái)納去吧；回到佐治亞去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我們北方城市中的貧民窟和黑人居住區去吧。要知道，這種情況能夠而且將會(huì )改變。我們切不要在絕望的深淵里沉淪。

朋友們，今天我要對你們說(shuō)，盡管眼下困難重重，但我依然懷有一個(gè)夢(mèng)。這個(gè)夢(mèng)深深植根于美國夢(mèng)之中。

我夢(mèng)想有一天，這個(gè)國家將會(huì )奮起，實(shí)現其立國信條的真諦：“我們認為這些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等?！?/p>

我夢(mèng)想有一天，在佐治亞州的紅色山崗上，昔日奴隸的兒子能夠同昔日奴隸主的兒子同席而坐，親如手足。

我夢(mèng)想有一天，甚至連密西西比州——一個(gè)非正義和壓迫的熱浪逼人的荒漠之州，也會(huì )改造成為自由和公正的青青綠洲。

我夢(mèng)想有一天，我的四個(gè)小女兒將生活在一個(gè)不是以皮膚的顏色，而是以品格的優(yōu)劣作為評判標準的國家里。

我今天懷有一個(gè)夢(mèng)。

我夢(mèng)想有一天，亞拉巴馬州會(huì )有所改變——盡管該州州長(cháng)現在仍滔滔不絕地說(shuō)什么要對聯(lián)邦法令提出異議和拒絕執行——在那里，黑人兒童能夠和白人兒童兄弟姐妹般地攜手并行。

我今天懷有一個(gè)夢(mèng)。

我夢(mèng)想有一天，深谷彌合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲徑成通衢，上帝的光華再現，普天下生靈共謁。

這是我們的希望。這是我將帶回南方去的信念。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能從絕望之山開(kāi)采出希望之石。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能把這個(gè)國家的嘈雜刺耳的爭吵聲，變?yōu)槌錆M(mǎn)手足之情的悅耳交響曲。有了這個(gè)信念，我們就能一同工作，一同祈禱，一同斗爭，一同入獄，一同維護自由，因為我們知道，我們終有一天會(huì )獲得自由。

到了這一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含義高唱這首歌：

我的祖國，可愛(ài)的自由之邦，我為您歌唱。這是我祖先終老的地方，這是早期移民自豪的地方，讓自由之聲，響徹每一座山崗。

如果美國要成為偉大的國家，這一點(diǎn)必須實(shí)現。因此，讓自由之聲響徹新罕布什爾州的巍峨高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹紐約州的崇山峻嶺！

讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰！

讓自由之聲響徹科羅拉多州冰雪皚皚的洛基山！

讓自由之聲響徹加利福尼亞州的婀娜群峰！

不，不僅如此；讓自由之聲響徹佐治亞州的石山！

讓自由之聲響徹田納西州的望山！

讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的一座座山峰，一個(gè)個(gè)土丘！

讓自由之聲響徹每一個(gè)山崗！

當我們讓自由之聲轟響，當我們讓自由之聲響徹每一個(gè)大村小莊，每一個(gè)州府城鎮，我們就能加速這一天的到來(lái)。那時(shí)，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，將能攜手同唱那首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由了！終于自由了！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由了！”